So, “Who was ‘La Nacha’?”
For 50 years “La Nacha” remained a name synonymous with Juarez and opiate trafficking, a woman who rose to become the Matriarch of a multigenerational family trafficking organization that evolved to dominate the illicit drug markets of Juarez and whose reach by the late 1950’s-60’s extended deep into West Texas and the eastern half of New Mexico. Those familiar with La Nacha’s reputation assume that she was born and raised in Juárez. The reality is that the “Notorious NARCOTIC Smuggler” was born into a family living almost 600 miles south of the Mexican border city.
Road to El Paso
The midcentury life and drug dealings of La Nacha are better known, however, information on her early years is sparse. Nonetheless, available records do include several documents illuminating this often-overlooked period of the smuggler’s life.
Maria Ygnacia “La Nacha” Jaso was born July 31, 1900 in Mapimí, Durango, Mexico to her mother Dolores Franco and father Dolores Jaso. Eventually the spelling of her given name would shift from Ygnacia to Ignacia. According to her Baptismal Certificate she received the Catholic sacrament five months later, December 18, 1900, in the Santiago Apóstol church in Mapimí.i
“La Nacha,” a common nickname derived from Ignacia, such as Liz or Beth being short for Elizabeth, was born into a family with two older siblings, Amada Jaso, five years her elder,ii and a brother, Jose Demetrio, one year older, who died at two days old.iii Five years later a younger sister, Maria Jaso, was born;iv tragically in 1907, diarrhea claimed the life of her two year old sister.v
When Ignacia was nine years old death once again stalked the Jaso family in Mapimí. Ignacia’s mother, Dolores Franco Jaso, died on May 7, 1909, at approximately 36 years-old.vi
When records regarding La Nacha resurface seven years later, Ignacia is in her mid-teens, seven hundred and twenty-one kilometers (449 miles) south of Mapimí in Silao, Guanajuato, Mexico, and documents the first known pairing of La Nacha with her future husband and partner in narcotic trafficking, Pablo, “El Pablote” (Big Pablo) Gonzalez. On October 3, 1916, at 3:00 AM, 16-year-old Ignacia gave birth to her and Pablo’s first child, Francisco.vii
Sadly, it appears the child died at an undetermined time as no other mention or documentation of Francisco could be located.
Almost one year after Francisco’s birth, on June 27, 1917, the couple sealed their relationship in a civil marriage ceremony. The wedding was conducted in the city of Gómez Palacio, Durango, México, thirty-nine miles, or almost 63 kilometers, from La Nacha’s hometown of Mapimí. The bride was a month shy of turning 17 years old.viii
El Paso
Approximately one year after their marriage 19-year-old Ignacia and her husband had relocated to the Mexican/American border in El Paso, Texas. The El Paso City Directory for that year lists a Pablo Gonzalez as working at the ASARCO Smelter as a laborer who lived at 129 Smelter.ix Both Pablo and Gonzalez are common names, but there is evidence that the Pablo at the smelter is Ignacia’s husband.
The 1919 City Directory again lists Pablo Gonzalez as a laborer living in the company’s Smelter Town.xHowever, in 1920 the smelter employee Pablo Gonzalez is on the eastern side of El Paso, one block north of El Paso’s historic Concordia Cemetery, at 3830 Tularosa.xi
In El Paso the young couple’s family continued to grow, on November 11, 1919, Ignacia gave birth to her oldest surviving child, Manuel Gonzalez. Manuel’s birth certificate states he was born to Miss Ignacio Hassa (sic) and Pablo Gonzalez, the infant’s mother was a housewife and his father a laborer at the Ft. Bliss military base; the family residence was 3830 Tularosa.xii The overlapping 1919 address of Pablo Gonzalez who worked at the smelter, and Manuel’s father Pablo Gonzalez who worked at Ft. Bliss, confirms that both men are Ignacia’s husband Pablo Gonzalez, and that the new father had changed jobs to work at the military post.
Manuel’s birth certificate states the mother was 18 on her last birthday, but according to her recorded birth information Ignacia’s actual age would have been 19.
The background information about Pablo “Pablote” Gonzalez during the years before the birth of his and La Nacha’s first child is elusive. What has been found is that Pablo was also from the Mexican state of Durango and much older than La Nacha. Pablo’s death certificate lists his year of birth as 1891 and identifies his father as Casimiro Gonzalez Finado and his mother to be Urbana Valdez. xiii Pablo’s baptismal record gives his full name as José Pablo Gonzalez, his birthdate as April 2, 1893, and most importantly, identifies Casimiro Gonzalez and Urbana Valdez as his parents, confirming that this infant is the future partner-in-crime of La Nacha.xiv
Pablo grew up in a testosterone laden household with older brother, José Filimon Gonzalez, born September 16, 1888,xv and two younger brothers, Jose Natividad Gonzalez Valdez, born January 26,1896,xvi and José Casimiro González Valdéz, November 23, 1897.xvii All four siblings were born at Mapimí, Durango, Mexico, the same community where Pablo’s future bride was born.
Physically Pablo was a big man, hence the nickname “Pablote,” or “Large Pablo.”
The 1920 census of El Paso, recorded on January 16, 1920, places Pablo Gonzalez, Ignacia Jaso, Manuel, and her father Dolores Jaso residing together at 3830 Tularosa Avenue, either a triplex or boarding house with two other families also listed as living at the address. It is unknown if Ignacia’s father was in El Paso before their arrival to the city or if he joined them.
The enumerator wrote that Pablo, Dolores, and Ignacia immigrated to the US in 1913. The census does not reveal if their immigration into the United States occurred at El Paso or a different port of entry.
The 1913 date is a curious detail. Obviously both La Nacha and Pablote were in Silao, Guanajuato, in October 1916, and Gómez Palacio, Durango in late 1917. It is possible that the pair provided a false entry date to suggest they had been residing in the United States for a longer period of time than they actually had lived in the country.
However, on an August 21, 1928 border crossing card issued to Ignacia’s father Dolores, he informed the immigration officer that his first entrance into the United States was July 1910.xviii
Possible explanations for her father migrating north include the death of his wife, work opportunities, displacement by the Mexican Revolution, or any number or combinations of reasons.
Stitching together the above information the most plausible sequence of life events is that soon after his wife’s death, Ignacia’s father, Dolores, made the decision that he would move north to the United States for employment, Ignacia would remain in Durango, and that he would mail monetary support to his daughter’s unknown caretaker in Mexico. As stated before, it is clear that Ignacia and Pablo were in Mexico for both the birth of the couple’s son Francisco and their marriage the following year. It is reasonable to believe that sometime after their wedding the young couple, Ignacia now 18 or 19, made the life altering decision to emigrate north and begin their life over in the United States.
Ignacia and Pablote’s motivation for uprooting their life to El Paso may have been for Dolores to meet his son-in-law and the belief by the newlyweds that there were better work opportunities in the United States. Dolores must have maintained contact with his youngest child as the father and daughter were able to reunite after Pablo and Ignacia’s arrival in El Paso.
Returning to the1920 census, the recorder noted that Ignacia was the only one of the three adults in their household able to read or write, but does not reveal how much education she had received.
A change in Pablote’s employment is revealed in the census. His son Manuel’s birth certificate had listed Pablote’s work as a laborer at Ft. Bliss, the military post in El Paso, two months later the census reflects that he and La Nacha’s father, Dolores, were employed as laborers working for an unidentified railroad.
On January 18, 1920, two days after the census information was collected, Ignacia and Pablo carried their infant son Manuel to Guardian Angel Catholic Church, 3021 Frutas Avenue, El Paso, to be baptized.xix
“Motherhood” expanded again for Ignacia in 1921. First, when her father Dolores gave his daughter a step mother, Maria Anselma Aguilera, a marriage that eventually bestowed three half-sisters and one half-brother to Ignacia.xx And on September 27, 1921 Ignacia gave her son Manuel a young sister, Juana Rebecca, who was born in Ciudad Chihuahua, Chihuahua, Mexico,xxi where it appears that the family had relocated.
By the Spring of 1922 Ignacia and Pablo had returned their family north to the border to reside in Juarez. It was during this transitional season that La Nacha made her less than auspicious debut into the criminal record, however, the event did not unfold in Juarez or the Republic of Mexico. On the Monday afternoon of May 8, 1922, at The Merit, a clothing store at 204 E. Overland Street in downtown El Paso, Mrs. Ignacia Jaso of Juarez was arrested with Mrs. Juan Gomez, also of Juarez, for shoplifting a silk dress. La Nacha’s confederate had a hidden pocket sewn beneath a tear in her skirt where she had attempted to secret the plunder. Both women faced misdemeanor charges for theft under $50.xxii Later the same day Pablote paid a $300 bond for his wife’s release.xxiii Surprisingly, though the census had stated that Pablo was unable to read or write, his signature on the bond is written in clear cursive. Did Ignacia sign the form for her husband?
The theft foreshadows La Nacha’s penchant for finer stolen items. Decades later, after establishing herself as a narcotic trafficker, she would earn a well-deserved reputation as a “fence,” known for exchanging narcotics with desperate addicts for high dollar items looted from El Paso businesses. La Nacha obviously craved more in life than her economic status, which was limited by both her gender and being Mexican working class, were supposed to allow her.
Five months after the pilfered dress, an October 20, 1922, manifest for entry into the US from the Department of Labor records a head tax paid by Ignacia Jaso de Gonzalez, who was accompanied by her two children, three-year-old Manuel, and one-year-old Juana Rebecca;xxiv this receipt affirms that only Manuel was born in the United States.
The answers to one line of inquiry pursued by the interviewing officer insinuates that Ignacia and Pablo were wavering about where to settle down. Ignacia responded to questioning about why she wanted to enter the US by replying that she and the children were joining her husband, who resided in south El Paso at 526 South Oregon Street, Apartment #91, and that she would remain permanently but did not intend to seek US citizenship.
Like all parents of a young and growing family, Ignacia and Pablo would have been concerned around the hovering question of financial security to pay all the family bills. The couple may have been bouncing city to city, country to country, in an attempt to learn where, and how, to find promising employment that would insure the family’s best future.
Additional information gleaned from the document includes Ignacia’s occupation as “wife,” that she could read and write, was 5 feet, 2 ½ inches tall, had a mole below her right eyebrow and was in good health. She signed the document “Ignacia Jaso.” The back of the form states she was accompanied by two children, “Gonzalez, Manuel (m), illit., (presumably meaning illiterate), Born EL PASO, TEXAS,” and “Juana Rebeca (f) 1”.
A different “DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, Immigration Service” form filled out the same day, and presumably at the same time, was completed on a typewriter. This document has the same serial number as the above manifest, “11316”, states her age as 23, that her last residence was “El Paso-Texas”, and her destination as “El Paso-Texas”.
But additional information was added by hand. In a large and bold script, a border agent printed “Juarez Res,” identifying her as a Juarez resident. But most striking are the two additional printed by hand notations at the bottom of the small form. The first is “LA NACHA.” The second is more ominous, “Notorious NARCOTIC Smuggler.” xxv This Dept. of Labor form is the oldest known US government document to associate her with involvement in the narcotic trade.
However, the handwritten information on the form is misleading and was certainly added years after it was initially filled out, as the accusation is added to several of Ignacia’s border crossing forms from the era, all with the same statement and the same handwriting. The probable explanation for the notation is that after La Nacha had established her reputation as a “Notorious NARCOTIC Smuggler” a government official, reviewing old immigration forms, added the warning to alert border officials of her history as a drug trafficker as well as locating verified photographs of the trafficker as her presence and importance were ascending in Juarez’s underworld drug market.
The last located family record before La Nacha’s first known involvement in narcotics, is a different U. S. Department of Labor Manifest bearing two dates. The first is the stamped “June 16, 1924”. Above that date, written by hand, is “11-8-23”. The record is for Pablote and La Nacha’s son Natividad Gonzalez. The rest of the form is basically blank with only “See old Form 548-Same number” written across the paper.xxvi
The years Ignacia spent in El Paso were an important time for the US and El Paso in drug history. The March 1, 1915 implementation of the Harrison Narcotic Act had the immediate effect of luring addicts and drug traffickers throughout the United States to El Paso to purchase opiates in Juarez. xxvii Because El Paso is a railroad hub, the border city was a potent draw; even if an addict could not afford a train ticket, he could jump a train’s open boxcar and hobo to the City of the Pass.
Compounding the authority’s frustration with the arrivals was the fact that though the newcomers came to purchase opiates in Juarez, El Paso was where they chose to live or stay.xxviii The influx of addicts then increased the local demographic that sought, used, and committed crimes to acquire narcotics.
Demand and Supply
The windfall dividends from the cross border selling of illicit opiates were not a well-guarded secret clutched tight to the chests of avarice drug kingpins. The lucrative profits from dealing narcotics purchased in the Juarez black market were common knowledge and often publicized in El Paso newspapers, including comparing the prices of opiates in Juarez to their marked-up value once the contraband was smuggled into the United States.
Examples of these articles are:
September 20, 1919 the El Paso Morning Times wrote that the price of morphine for a legally licensed buyer is $22 an ounce, or $2.75 for an eighth of an ounce. Drug dealers in El Paso raised the price to $13 for 1/8 of an ounce and inflated the price for people desperate to acquire the morphine to as high as $1 a grain.xxix
A month later, October 16, 1919, the same newspaper noted that morphine sulphate, which sold for $12 an ounce in the legal market, could charge $85-$100 an ounce on the streets of El Paso.xxx
On March 16, 1920 the Morning Times informed readers, “When morphine is procured through legitimate channels by those who are licensed to buy it, the cost is $13.50 per ounce. Up until recently the smugglers who peddle it about the city to the unfortunates charged $80 an ounce, or about 50 cents a grain. The price has now gone up and in many cases the dope fiends are paying as high as $100 an ounce for morphine. This same morphine in Juarez will cost the smuggler about $73 an ounce. This high cost is due to the great demand for the drug.”xxxi
A front-page story in the El Paso Herald on April 14, 1920 drew attention to an arrested confectionary owner from the north Texas town of Burkburnett who had purchased morphine and cocaine from dope dealers in El Paso for $45 an ounce and had planned to return home with the dope where a buyer had committed to pay $200 an ounce.xxxii
The El Paso Morning Times reported on October 28, 1920 that $500 would purchase 10 ounces of morphine in El Paso’s black market.xxxiii
Even federal narcotic agents would inform readers of the ongoing street value of drugs. In an April 1921 news story titled “Drug Users Find Paradise in Juarez Narcotic Market,” Federal Agent A. L. Rathel of the El Paso narcotic office pointed an El Paso Herald reporter’s attention to a narcotic famine in the cities of the nation’s interior, that combined with the availability of two ounces of “dope” (morphine) for $250 in Juarez, offered the potential to resell the drug for as high as $1 a grain in the large western and Eastern cities of the US.xxxiv
The underworld did not possess the exclusive rights to provision El Paso and Juarez with narcotics, the lucrative market also involved “legitimate” vendors. In June 1921, J. H. Fleming, supervisor of the El Paso federal narcotic office, informed the El Paso Times ofthe sources for the drugs confiscated by the office during the recent fiscal year. Companies in Japan took the lead in inundating the region with narcotics followed by companies in England, France, Spain, Italy, and Germany as major “exporters.” The culprits also included US firms. Fleming explained how the latter manipulated existing regulations, American pharmaceutical companies would lawfully export large quantities to Mexico, the majority of which would eventually return to the US on the Black Market. In conclusion the head of the local narcotic office reminded the paper’s readers that enforcing narcotic laws in El Paso was an ongoing struggle due to the city’s proximity to Juarez and the availability of “dope” in the Mexican border city.xxxv
Obviously, knowledge of the steady market of opiates available in the sister cities area was not suppressed by the government under a “confidential” ruling and withheld from the public, or inside information only known to El Pasoans or law enforcement. The El Paso/Juarez connection would have been known and spread throughout the grapevine of desperate addicts and drug pushers across the country. We know this is true because, after the passage of the 1915 Harrison Narcotic Act, dealers, traffickers, and dope users did descend upon El Paso/Juarez.
Newspapers frequently published stories several times a week identifying individuals arrested in El Paso for narcotic violations and at times referred to El Paso as a “Mecca” for drug fiends. A September 1919 El Paso Morning Times summation of local drug dealing reminded readers, “That narcotics are being extensively used in El Paso is apparent from the police docket. Seldom a day passes that several drug users are not picked up by the police. Drug smugglers are said by officers to be responsible for the state of affairs.”xxxvi
Other local news stories confirmed that throngs of people from far outside El Paso were traveling to the area desperate to score narcotics because of the scarcity of drugs in other sections of the nation. The first two paragraphs of an August 1915 El Paso Morning Times article breaks down the fear of citizens and city officials regarding the overwhelming surge of addicts migrating to El Paso:
“Cut off from their ‘dope’ in other places, hordes of ‘dope’ fiends are daily arriving in El Paso, their objective point being Juarez, where the necessary ‘shot’ can be secured. City authorities are agreed that unless some action is taken to stem the tide of these poor unfortunates, El Paso will soon face an appalling condition. As it is the matter has grown too big for the city and has been taken up with government officials in the hope that the government can offer some solution to the problem.
Just why El Paso is made the haven of the ‘dopesters’ is explained by the fact that the federal law controlling the traffic in morphine, cocaine and kindred drugs is being rigidly enforced and that Juarez, just across the border, is the only place left where the victims can secure the drug they crave.”xxxvii
Four and a half years later the situation remained unchanged. U. S. Army Surgeon F. W. Weed was the guest speaker for the February 1920 El Paso Rotary Club meeting and bluntly reminded the Rotarians, “El Paso is the Mecca of the dissolute from all parts of the United States due chiefly to prohibition and partly to the Harrison anti-narcotic act. By coming here, drink and drug victims can find solace for their craving in (Juarez) Mexico.”xxxviii
In a Consular Report to the US State Department dated April 9, 1921, John Dye, American Consul in Juarez, submitted a synopsis of the detrimental effects of the Volstead (Prohibition) and Harrison Acts, “Open gambling and the sale of intoxicating liquors and habit-forming drugs in this border city, situated just a few minutes street car ride from El Paso, Texas, has changed a picturesque, sleepy, Mexican town into one of the most vice ridden and iniquitous places on the face of the earth. Juarez is the Mecca of smugglers.”xxxix
Lessons Learned
Ignacia had been an eye witness to the aftermath in El Paso and Juarez of the two Congressionally legislated interventions, the Harrison Narcotic Act, criminalizing illicit sales of narcotics, and the Volstead Act. Those first-hand experiences, seeing and discussing the porous border and the facility with which liquor and narcotics were smuggled and the profits accrued by the contrabandistas, would have provided an education revealing the large-scale disregard towards criminalized vices held by many Americans. She would also have taken note of the number of Americans willing to travel across the United States destined for Juarez and its forbidden fruits. It is obvious from La Nacha’s arrest for shoplifting that breaking the law to acquire nicer things for her and Pablo’s growing family was not beyond consideration or action.
For those bold enough to take the risks, dealing, trafficking, and smuggling drugs presented opportunities to reap generous profits. And La Nacha was an opportunist, one who initiated her infamy in the mid-1920’s by working for Enrique Fernandez, Juarez’s home-grown crime lord. After joining his organization La Nacha apprenticed under the mob boss, rose to become a trusted lieutenant, and thrived at dealing narcotics for decades after her husband’s October 1930 death in a Juarez whorehouse gunfightxl and Fernandez’s January 1934 assassination.xli By the 1930’s “La Nacha” had proven to be a formidable trafficker whose name until the early 1970’s referenced Juarez opiate trafficking.
The cusp of the late teens and early 1920’s was a transitional time in Ignacia’s life and the prelude to her “notorious” career. During her years in El Paso, she gave birth to the first surviving child of her marriage; entered adulthood as a new mother, which would have motivated her to consider her family’s financial future, especially if the death of her first son Francisco resulted from the couple lacking sufficient funds; and the setting for her first known criminal action. Ambitious and at an impressionable age, La Nacha would have witnessed the potential to earn tremendous sums of money and was astute enough to have observed how criminals used the proximity to the border to their advantage, weaving in and out of the borderline between each country’s laws.
Ignacia and Pablo’s exposure to the region’s drug smuggling begs an intriguing question, was criminality an innate part of the couple’s “nature,” or, had the years living in the borderland “nurtured” their decision? In other words, would the young couple have initiated a career as narcotic dealers and traffickers if they had never moved to El Paso and learned of the availability of narcotics in the sister cities?
Regardless of how the pivotal decision was made, what “La Nacha” and Pablo heard, saw, and learned about narcotics and addiction while living in El Paso would have influenced their decision to enter the illicit opiate market. To what degree they were influenced would be conjecture; to dismiss the city’s influence would be naïve.
The critical lesson Ignacia Jaso de Gonzalez, “La Nacha,” the “Notorious NARCOTIC Smuggler,” learned in El Paso was not to be intimidated by the US side of the international border.
i ancestry.com/mediaui-viewer/collection/1030/tree/71694790/person/30243256912/media/940d66a6-e867-4a74-8b33-89a52563fd27?queryId=4743559c-3926-4bea-bb5f-f8537f0ee0bc&searchContextTreeId=&searchContextPersonId=&_phsrc=Owi372&_phstart=successSource, accessed on Ancestry, March 4, 2025.
ii https://www.ancestry.com/family-tree/person/tree/173910466/person/342264230243/story
iii https://www.ancestry.com/family-tree/person/tree/173910466/person/342264295364/story
iv https://www.ancestry.com/family-tree/person/tree/71694790/person/30243257020/facts.
v www.ancestry.com/imageviewer/collections/60475/images/004894017_00318?pId=301031318
vi Ancestry.com – Durango, Mexico, Civil Registration Deaths, 1861-1987
vii Pablo Gonzalez, Guanajuato, Mexico, Civil Registration Births, 1862-1929, p. 187.
viii Durango, Mexico, Civil Registration Marriages, 1861-1951 – Ancestry.com, accessed on Ancestry, March 4, 2025
ix Hudspeth Directory Co. El Paso City Directory, 1918, book, 1918; p. 431, El Paso, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth285896/: accessed July 10, 2025), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting University of Texas at El Paso.
x Hudspeth Directory Co. El Paso City Directory, 1919, book, 1919; El Paso, Texas, p. 382. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth285897/: accessed July 10, 2025), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting University of Texas at El Paso.
xi Hudspeth Directory Co. El Paso City Directory, 1920, book, 1920; p. 532; El Paso, Texas. (https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth285898/: accessed July 10, 2025), University of North Texas Libraries, The Portal to Texas History, https://texashistory.unt.edu; crediting University of Texas at El Paso.
xii Texas Department of State Health Services, Vital Statistics Unit, Birth certificate No. 53867, Manuel Gonzalez, November 11, 1919, El Paso, Texas.
xiii https://www.ancestry.com/family-tree/person/tree/173910466/person/342264279845/facts
xiv Ancestry.com. Mexico, Select Baptisms, 1560-1950 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Incl, 2014; Original data: Mexico, Baptisms, 1560-1950. Salt Lake City, Utah: FamilySearch, 2013.
xv Ibid.
xvi Ancestry.com Mexico, Select Church Records, 1537-1966 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2016; Original data: Catholic Church Records. FamilySearch, Salt Lake City, Utah.
xvii Ibid.
xviii National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Washington, D.C., Record Group: 85, Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service; Border Crossings: From Mexico to U.S., 1895-1964, Microfilm Roll: 43.
xix Personal correspondence between author and Father John Stowe, Chancery, Diocese, October 15, 2009.
xx https://www.ancestry.com/family-tree/person/tree/71694790/person/30243257127/facts
xxi https://www.ancestry.com/family-tree/person/tree/173910466/person/342264687909/story
xxii “CHARGE JUAREZ WOMEN WITH THEFT OF DRESSES,” El Paso Herald, May 9, 1922, p. 6
xxiii Univ. of Texas at El Paso, Special Collections; MS 132 El Paso County Records Case Files 10516 thru 10583, El Paso County Criminal Cases, Case File 10538.
xxiv National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Washington, D.C., Record Group: 85, Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service; Border Crossings: From Mexico to U.S., 1895-1964, Microfilm Roll: 43.
xxv Ibid.
xxvi Ibid.
xxvii “WAR ON DOPESTERS HAS BEEN DECLARED,” El Paso Morning Times, August 11, 1915, p. 3
xxviii Ibid.
xxix “City Drug Users Being Cheated Anyway, ‘Dope’ Reduces Hunger, El Paso Morning Times, September 20, 1919, p. 2.
xxx “Orozco Is Found Guilty on Charge of Selling Drug,” El Paso Morning Times, October 16, 1919, p. 5.
xxxi “’Dope’ Sold Here at Great Prices as Demand Grows,” El Paso Morning Times, March 16, 1920, p. 8.
xxxii “$200 Ounce Paid for ‘Dope’ U.S. Prisoner Says,” El Paso Herald, April 14, 1920, p. 1.
xxxiii “Two Women and 2 Men Held by U.S. Judge for Drugs,” El Paso Morning Times, October 28, 1920, p. 3.
xxxiv “Drug Users Find Paradise in Juarez Narcotic Market,” El Paso Herald, April 25, 1921, p. 4
xxxv “$21,280 in Drugs Seized in El Paso in Year; Big Supply Comes From Japan,” El Paso Times, June 24, 1921, p. 3.
xxxvi “Police Docket Shows Narcotics Are Being Used Extensively,” El Paso Morning Times, September 15, 1919, p. 12.
xxxvii “WAR ON DOPESTERS HAS BEEN DECLARED,” El Paso Morning Times, August 11, 1915, p. 3.
xxxviii “26 Houses of Vice in El Paso, Asserts Army Surgeon,” El Paso Herald, February 12, 1920, p. 1.
xxxix “The City of Juarez as a Place of Residence,” John Dye to Secretary of State, April 9, 1921, University of Texas at Austin, Benson Latin American Studies and Collection, Internal Affairs, G 1488, Roll 148.
xl “Juarez Officer Kills El Pablote in Battle,” El Paso Evening Post (October 11, 1930), p.1.
xli “Enrique Fernandez Shot To Death In Mexico City; General Dies With Him,” El Paso Times, January 14, 1934, p. 1.